Faced with recent research linking voucher receipt to decreased test scores, voucher advocates have been busily moving the goalposts. The most creative of these attempts is a new “working paper”
from researchers from the University of Arkansas and the Cato
Institute, which first notes that “[s]tandardized test scores…do not
fully capture society’s goals for education” (p. 3) and then concludes
that “[s]tudents who participated in the [Milwaukee voucher program] are
less likely to commit drug and property crimes and experience paternity
suits than their peers in [Milwaukee Public Schools], all else being
equal” (p. 24).
Since
most schools participating in choice programs are sectarian…and these
religious schools teach students that God always and everywhere is
watching and evaluating what they do, private schools of choice might be
expected to improve the subsequent behavior of their charges (p. 6).
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For those of us who
remember the decades upon decades when voucher policies were sold a
lifeboat to rescue students from public schools with low test scores (“failing public schools”
was the preferred terminology), this shift in rationales is quite
striking. The claim now is apparently that lower math scores in voucher
schools are accompanied by a decrease in paternity suits, pickpockets
and pharmaceutical peddling—an unusual trade-off but one that might be
worthwhile.
Yet even that claim has not held up to scrutiny. An earlier version of this report was reviewed
by Clive Belfield. Professor Belfield found that the report’s premise
that vouchers might reduce crime, while plausible, could not be
sustained due to the study’s unsupported causal assertions. Further, the
magnitude of the correlations was so small that the study’s results
could, in fact, have been used to substantiate the opposite
interpretation. That is, the data and analyses suggest a reasonable
finding that there is no meaningful relationship between vouchers and
the measured outcomes.
Parents and students who actively engage in school choice differ
educationally and economically from non-choosers. Active choosing is
also often grounded in educational values and motivation. Repeating the
errors from the earlier study, the experimental and control groups in
the new study do not, and could not, address these differences—meaning
that the comparison group of public school students is likely different
in important ways from the voucher-receiving group. Given the small
magnitude of the correlations, the sampling concerns, and the inadequate
controls, we are left only with the suspect conclusion that the
Milwaukee voucher program “reduces adult criminal convictions and
paternity suits” 13 to 15 years after students attended, even if the
intervention had no measured short-term benefits.
That’s pretty tenuous, but it will have to suffice until we are told that vouchers reduce acne or cure the common cold.
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