In 2016, EdChoice, formerly the Friedman Foundation, released a report that claimed to estimate the impact of voucher-like programs on education budgets. A National Education Policy Center think tank review by Fellow Luis A. Huerta and Steven Katsivalis of Teachers College-Columbia University identified serious flaws with the methodology.
Recently, EdChoice released another report on the same subject. The report purports to
estimate the fiscal impact of voucher-like programs on state and local
education budgets.
In this newsletter, Huerta and Koutsavlis make the case that the new
analysis suffers from the same methodological flaws as the earlier
report: Review of Fiscal Effects of School Vouchers: Examining the savings and costs of America’s Private School Voucher Programs
he EdChoice,
formerly the Friedman Foundation, report was authored by Martin Lueken, who wrote a similar report in 2016, focused on tuition tax credits.2National Education Policy Center reviewed that earlier report3 and
found a flawed methodology and unsupported assumptions, so we took a
look at the recent report, with an eye toward determining whether the
analyses have improved. They have not.
Like the earlier effort,
the new report argues that vouchers can produce substantial savings due
to “switchers”— students enticed by the voucher to move from public to
private schools. Fiscal savings result from a switch, if the public cost
of a voucher is less than the marginal amount spent to pay for a public
school student. On the other hand, the public coffers suffer a fiscal
hit if the voucher is used by a student who would have attended the
private school even without the enticement of a voucher.
The report claims that a
high proportion of students leaving public schools, coupled with public
school variable cost offsets, results in sizable financial savings
(cumulatively estimated at $3.2 billion since the inception of the
programs). We again find this implausible, due primarily to what appears
to be mere speculation resulting in overestimates of the number of
switchers. A true accounting of the costs and effects of private school
choice must be grounded in more than guesswork, and should include more
factors than those used in this report’s manipulation of the available
datasets. Any useful analysis of this important question requires
greater precision.
Purported accumulated savings of voucher programs over 25 years is based on unsupported and unsupportable speculations
The new EdChoice report
examines 16 school voucher programs in nine states plus the District of
Columbia, through fiscal year 2015. It makes the claim that these 16
programs saved, on average, $3,400 per recipient. The four largest
voucher programs account for 85% of the total fiscal benefits. The
report makes similar claims for tax credit scholarship programs, and it
estimates that together these voucher programs have saved taxpayers
between $4.9 and $6.6 billion since their inception.
By all indications, this
report considerably overestimates the number of “switchers” within these
various programs. Further, the report’s calculation of public school
variable costs is not transparent (i.e., which expenditures were
included), making it impossible to confirm or replicate the
calculations.
As an example of why
speculative guesses are problematic, consider the fact that only two of
the 16 voucher programs analyzed in the report explicitly prohibit
participation by students previously enrolled in private schools. All
other programs extend eligibility to children who were previously
enrolled in private schools, allow enrollment at kindergarten, or
delineate other criteria that extends eligibility to students who might
have chosen private school even without the voucher enticement.
Florida’s McKay Scholarship for Students with Disabilities (the largest
voucher program, serving 30,378 students, which accounts for more than
half of the purported total net savings), extends eligibility to
students entering kindergarten, yet in the report all voucher recipients were counted as switchers.4 As
a point of reference, the Florida Department of Education reported that
kindergarten and first grade students comprised 30.4% of participating
students in the Florida Tax Credit Scholarship Program (FTSCP). The
FTSCP, like the McKay program, also extends eligibility criteria for
students entering kindergarten (in fact, it adds eligibility to students
entering first grade).Claiming that 100% of students participating in
such voucher programs are public school switchers results in a gross
over-estimate of public-coffer savings.5
Guidance for policymakers requires better data and complete analysis
The report’s use of
reliable peer reviewed research literature is limited. The rationale for
the methods calculating net fiscal impact draws explicitly from
previous reports published by EdChoice.6 Except
for data-source notations, virtually all of the 45 endnotes reference
school choice advocacy organizations. This ignores a large body of
independent research on the costs and the outcomes of school choice. In
fact, we already thoroughly reviewed and challenged the literature drawn
upon in this new report,7 since the author cites the same problematic studies as he did in 2016.8
The report is also marred by the absence of a calculation of cost effectiveness. As Belfield9 notes
in his review of a report trumpeting the Louisiana Scholarship Program,
“maintaining a program because it saves money loses considerable force
if the program is not effective.” The current report makes no effort to
weigh cost effectiveness, vaguely claiming that “most random assignment
studies examining test scores find that private school voucher programs
help improve students’ academic performance, especially over time.”10 But
this misrepresents the voucher research, which is vastly less
conclusive and far more nuanced on student achievement effects.11
The adoption of a program
must be predicated on valid data and public accountability measures that
hold publicly funded private schools to the same standards as public
schools. Unfortunately, voucher and tuition tax credit programs often
expressly prohibit or limit the ability of the government to administer
standard oversight and accountability measures. For instance, less than
half of all voucher-like programs require private schools to administer
student achievement tests.12 As
tempting as it may be to fill the information vacuum with reports like
those from EdChoice, there is no benefit to doing so. The findings are
more misleading than illuminating.
See here for newsletter with references included: https://nepc.colorado.edu/publication/newsletter-vouchers-111318
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